IMPLEMENTATION OF SUBSIDY REMOVAL – THE BETTER WAY

I watched the news to see a few Nigerians blindly chanting that the removal of subsidy is for the benefit of Nigerians, all because they wanted to reopen their shops. I laughed. This goes a long way to show our gross disunity. If Egypt and Tunisia got tired of their protests and revolution, would they boast now of having a platform that allows them to choose the government they want?

I am not against the policy as you may have judged from my article, but I strongly hold that there are better ways of implementing it, to make it work in Nigeria. There are however, solid facts that I want you to consider and then judge for yourself if this government can deliver its promises.

I supported President Jonathan – even though my location did not allow me vote – for sentimental reasons and so did the majority of Nigerians; but I still do support him. I was also of the opinion that after former President Obasanjo, Nigeria shouldn’t have another president that was a past military president. But during his campaign I was not comfortable with the amount of money President Jonathan expended, paying artistes, organizing rallies and mobile carnivals. This money was obviously sourced from public funds. As painful as this may sound, President Jonathan has weak links that portray him as corrupt. For instance, members of the houses of assembly resisted vehemently when the CBN governor, Sanusi Lamido Sanusi presented facts that showed that the cost of running this government was guzzling about 25% of the country’s budget. Nigerians are well aware of the unwarranted multimillions that the presidency, senators, legislators and ministries accrue to themselves as salaries and allowances and how they unjustly devalue the official vehicles assigned to them only to repurchase them at alarming diminished prices. It’s open news now that the president allocates One billion Naira to himself as feeding allowance annually. My calculation shows that if you spend N30, 000.00 per day, it would take you 80 years to expend ALMOST a billion naira; the figure is N876,000,000.00 or N876,600,000.00, considering the leap years. You can do the calculations yourself to confirm.

Within its practical two years of inception, I did not expect this government to transform agriculture or power; these are monumental achievements that take time. However one task that was very feasible was to fight corruption to the letter. If this singular act was achieved, a vote of trust would have been bestowed on this government.

Consider these realities:
PHCN makes profit annually from bills being paid; where does this money go to?
The Water Board also makes money from its services; where is this money being lodged?
Governor Fashola of Lagos has provided satisfactory evidence that government can generate income from tax. The FIRS generates income yearly from taxes; where is this money?
What about the money the Customs make from import duties?
How about the Immigration, FRSC and other government institutions that generate money in various capacities?
Currently as we speak, some elite Nigerians have licences to mine solid minerals in diverse parts of the country; these minerals, like crude, should be the sole property of the federal government.
Nigeria recovered monies from misappropriated funds, to the tone of $380M from the Obasanjo tenure till now; where is the evidence of that money now? These go to show that the government has abundant alternative sources of income without having to touch the subsidy money.

Can this government conveniently prosecute former President Obasanjo and other government officials who committed gross crimes of corruption in the near and distant past? Governments in Nigeria have a very amusing practice of claiming to forgive leaders with glaring corrupt records as recorded by the EFCC, yet most of these individuals like Senators Ahmed Mohammed Makarfi and Sani Yerima, both former governors of Kaduna and Zamfara States respectively, still served in government offices, and now walk liberally as free men. Several others like Lucky Igbenedion, Ikedi Ohakim, Orji Uzo Kalu, Peter Odili and many others are still walking freely. This is ridiculous! When God directly governed Israel in the past, evildoers were punished for their crimes. Even though we know God to be merciful, He is also a just God. The United States of America is known to investigate crimes as old as thirty years and over, and prosecute as well as punish the offenders accordingly. Several other countries have this same appropriate practice of adequately punishing criminals. Nigeria callously sweeps these crimes under the carpet and what’s the result – more daredevil criminals emerge, crime prevails and the countries’ economy suffers.

Nigerians are not opposed to the removal of subsidy, but in the manner of its implementation. This government and previous ones before it have always shown grave disregard for the Nigerian people. It was clear that the subsidy removal was still being deliberated on and then a day after the president declares a state of emergency in fifteen Local Government Areas in four states of the federation, an indication that the nation was in a delicate situation, we get the shocking news of the subsidy removal. Many Nigerians still remain stranded in their villages due the consequent transportation price hike; given the economic severity of the month of January in Nigeria, the government only succeeded in replacing one crises – the Boko Haram menace, with another. And while previous governments have failed in their promises, this government has acted very similarly; so how does it expect any trust from Nigerians? If an individual was served a meal of a particular kind of vegetable from two distinct sources at two separate times, and on both occasions this individual ends up severely sick, do you think such a person will ever eat any other kind of green vegetable? Answer is NO. A person like that will in fact, naturally become repulsive to anything green. We have a proverb that a snake will naturally beget something long. The plans for the subsidy money are very juicy and welcome, and in fact portray the expectancy of Nigerians from any government. But the fact that this government possesses traits of failed previous dispensations as well as corrupt members opposed to development who served in previous dispensations, it stands on a knife-edge that makes its plans prone to failure. The NLC and its associates and the Nigerian people are therefore within their rights to demand that the government reverts to N65.00 per litre – the point of deliberations – before they engage in dialogue.

This government did not just discover the corrupt cabals and their activities overnight; it has been aware of them for a considerable period of time. It should therefore have confronted them all along.

Arguments are made that neighbouring Ghana also implemented removal of subsidy without complaints and so questions why Nigerians should. Study the mode of implementation in Ghana. Ghana DID NOT remove subsidy in one blow. The Ghanaian government has been removing its subsidy in installments of 20% over a period of time, using these monies to develop aspects of the economy at a gradual pace. What was removed on 29th December, 2011 was the last installment. So you see that an excellent and very humane approach was employed. The Igbos have a proverb: You first of all chase away the leopard before you begin to remonstrate with the wayward hen for venturing so far into the forest. Another proverb says: You do not get rid of the baby along with the bathe water. In both cases the proverbs indicate that you have an asset in a threatening situation, but you don’t punish your asset in a bid to deal with the threat. In the light of the present crisis, it means that the government cannot punish its asset – the masses, to deal with the crisis – corruption (or the oil cabals).

The Nigerian government should have employed this very same method, while in the process, tackling the activities of the cabals radically; like revoking their importation licence, and rightfully charging them to court on charges of short-changing and exploiting the government as well as other relative crimes. The government can then proceed to engage new interested importers on very strict contract agreements, for instance, a condition that guarantees their balance payments only when the accurate volume of fuel has been ascertained to enter government storage. The government could even create its own importation outfit. Whichever method is employed should be made transparent by involvement of non-governmental institutions like the NLC, TUC, Civil Society, etc, who will help monitor the distribution of these products down to the public. While this is going on, a severe war on corruption should be engaged on corrupt practices in all sectors. If five to ten prominent individuals are investigated, prosecuted and incarcerated within a short period, intending and existing individuals with corrupt intentions would take caution and be kept at bay.

While taking away the subsidy may seem a plausible way of confronting the cabals, I see a gaping loophole. As long as they remain free, these cabals will embark on methods to hijack oil products from within. The subsidy project would therefore have been defeated. The best way to proceed is as described above, similar to what the NLC, TUC and Civil Society are suggesting.

On a final note, I appeal to the government to stop wasting valuable money on television jingles and billboard adverts encouraging Nigerians to be peaceful and law-abiding. While this practice is the norm in Nigeria, I say that it is non-effective. Peace is not something you can cajole a person or people into. Peace is a product; it is the product of Justice. When there is justice, peace follows naturally. The human psyche if unrefined is prone to crime. But when people know that regardless of their status social or otherwise, their crimes under a just society are adequately punished by an unbiased law, the mind starts to work in the opposite – more productive – dimension; which happens to be Peace. We make a lot of reference to America. America did not coax its citizens into accepting peace. She simply enforced a law that works and people began to trust the law and to engage in peaceful living.

Militants kidnap six foreign oil workers off Nigeria

By Tume Ahemba

A Nigerian militant group said it abducted six foreign oil workers in an attack on Tuesday on an oil vessel on the Penington River in southern Bayelsa state.

The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta said the kidnappings were to counter reports that it was in support of Nigeria's president-elect Umaru Yar'Adua and his deputy Goodluck Jonathan, who is also the governor of Bayelsa state.

MEND, which says it is fighting for more local control over the Niger Delta's oil wealth, said the attack should also serve as a warning to Shell over its return to oilfields previously attacked by the group.

MEND identified the hostages taken in the assault on U.S. energy giant Chevron's offshore loading terminal as Italians Raffele Pascariello, Alfonso Frawza, Ignazio Gugliota and Mario Celetano, American John Stapleton, and Croat Juricha Ruic.

"The hostages will be released unconditionally on May 30, 2007," MEND said in an email statement. It added that this would be possible only if oil companies and the government do not try to secure their release by offering ransom.

Security sources said at least one Nigerian was killed in the raid on the vessel, called Oloibiri after Nigeria's first oil well, is operated by Chevron.

"The militants shot one navy personnel and compelled the crew to throw a rope down to give them access by using dynamite," one security source said.

The attack forced Chevron to shut down 15,000 barrels per day of output at a small offshore oilfield, a company spokesman said in London.

Nigeria's oil output has been reduced by 500,000 barrels per day, or a fifth of production capacity, since a series of raids on Royal Dutch Shell oilfields in February 2006 forced their closure.

SEPARATE ABDUCTION

In a separate incident, unknown gunmen abducted the mother of Rivers state governor-elect Celestine Omeiha from her village near Africa's oil heartland of Port Harcourt, police said.

The abduction is apparently a fall-out from the April 14 state elections -- which monitors said were marred by fraud -- because Niger Delta militants rarely kidnap Nigerians.

In the Niger delta, an increasing number of armed groups demanding jobs, benefits or control of oil revenues have attacked industry facilities, kidnapped expatriate staff and fought with security forces.

But the lines between militancy and crime are blurred in the delta, a vast wetlands in southern Nigeria that accounts for all oil production from the world's eighth biggest exporter but where people are desperately poor and frustrated.

Some groups have taken hostages to press political demands but numerous "freelance" kidnappers have seized foreigners to extract cash from their companies or from government.

Most hostages are released unharmed after a few days although some have been kept in captivity for months and two have been killed in failed attempts by troops to free them.

Thousands of foreign workers and their relatives have fled the Niger Delta since the start of a wave of attacks on oil facilities and kidnappings of foreigners in late 2005.

Oil Gunmen in the Niger Delta! Criminals? Terrorists? Or Activists?

By Paul Abojeh

Located in the tropic of Cancer, Nigeria stretches from latitude 40N to latitude 140N. The Southern part of the country, being so close to the Equator is characterized by the peculiar climatic conditions: high temperatures, high precipitation (mostly rainfall), etc. The rainfall in this region is virtually all year round measuring around 1500mm and above, annually. On the southern border of Nigeria, is the Atlantic Ocean. One of Africa’s paramount rivers, the river Niger, flows into Nigeria and has as it’s main tributary, the river Benue (an equally large river) joining it in Lokoja. This voluminous river hereafter flows down south into the Atlantic.

Now, considering this amount of hydro reception all year round, it is definitely not difficult to envision the topography of this region.

The vegetation is mostly populated with very tall evergreen trees, because of the abundance of water. The plenitude of water has also caused a lot of adverse effects. Most of the lands have been washed away resulting in massive and devastating gully erosions. The people are left to survive mainly on water, thus the main occupation is fishing and a little bit of farming, mostly on a subsistence scale.

Talk of poverty; you have it here, embodied.

This is indisputably Nigeria’s poorest region but, ironically, this is where Nigeria survives, from. This is the Niger Delta!

The word "Niger Delta" as related to Nigeria has generated into a case of not only national but also international concern. It conjures a picture of civil unrest, poverty, frustration, and most of all, violence. All of these social evils result from the presence of huge reserves of crude oil, one of the largest on the planet; Nigeria being the largest producer in Africa and the sixth largest exporter of petroleum in the world, earning about $3billion a month. These figures sure ring a bell considering the gross case of poverty in Nigeria. What's happening to all these money and why the poverty and violence in the Niger Delta?

The story of the degrading situation in the Niger Delta began with the discovery of Crude Oil in 1956 in Oloibiri, Bayelsa state of Nigeria. Mining did not start however until 1963. Nigeria had just gotten independence from British colonialism three years before and was governed by a kind of parliamentary government. This government did not mature, as there was a military coup in 1963. Until 1999 when democracy began, the military had ruled the country with about two cases of civilian rule intersecting. Nigeria existed as four distinct regions; the northern, eastern, western and mid-western regions. The mid-western region had been created from the western region in the same 1963. It is the mid-western region that largely forms the Niger Delta. With the creation of states (first 12, then 19, 21, 30 and currently, 36) however, the Niger Delta now covers nine states namely: Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and Rivers states.

Allocation of financial revenue was fair. Individual regions got an extra percentage of the revenue generated from local products. That is to say the northern region for instance, known for vast production of groundnut got about 45% of the country's income on groundnut. The same applied to the eastern and western region where oil palm and cocoa were produced respectively. The federal government received the remaining 55%. Agriculture was the main stay of the economy and still contributes-albeit little, as compared to crude oil. After its creation the mid-west enjoyed this same revenue allocation, its main product being crude oil. This allocation was besides the national budget.

Unfortunately, the civil war broke out in Nigeria in 1977. This caused the federal government to suspend the 45% revenue allocation to the eastern and mid western regions, since these were the bases for the rebel group, Biafra. Thus the big problem began.

The war ended in 1970 and things did not go back to normal as expected. Crude oil mining continued but the revenue allocation did not.

The situation of things in the Niger Delta began to deteriorate rapidly as crude oil exploration increased to meet the growing demand of oil locally, but mostly internationally. Being a quick way of generating money, the Nigerian government concentrated its attention onto oil production leaving agriculture and other sectors to dwindle away. As a result of the massive reserve of oil in the Niger Delta the locals were being forced by the federal government to leave their homes-without an alternative or compensation-, so as to provide more space for the growth of the oil industry. Strange as it may seem, these people were left with nothing and if ever there was any compensation, it was absolutely negligible. Then there was a 1779 constitutional addition, which gave the federal government universal ownership and rights to all Nigerian territory. This also included natural resources. If there was any compensation for land, it was based on the value of crops on the land at the time of acquisition, not on the value of the land itself. The federal government obviously wanted to justify its actions. This is the kind of treatment obtainable, in a country where human rights means nothing unless you were are from the ruling or elite class.

It was difficult for the Niger Delta people to carryout a collective protest to alleviate their plight. The region had been plagued by decades of ethnic and communal conflicts over land and available resources. These became worsened with the discovery of crude oil. Comprising some 20 million people, belonging to over 40 ethnic groups and speaking around 250 dialects, it is pretty difficult to form any kind of unison. This may look strange but Nigeria has around 400 "known" ethnic groups. Even within a state the discrimination between ethnic groups can be so great that neighbouring ethnic groups are treated like aliens, regardless of the similarities in dialects and culture. Sometimes one wonders however this country was successfully created. Oil exploration mostly affected the more riverine communities like the Ijaws, the Itsekiris, the Ogonis, etc, the Ijaws being the majority. These ethnic groups are located in Rivers, Bayelsa, Delta, and Edo states. The Ijaws however, spread throughout the coast of Nigeria, including Lagos state.

In the early 90s however Ken Saro-wiwa alongside a number of educated elites and chiefs all Ogonis, founded The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP). Their cause was to make known the plight of the Ogonis (though a minority), whose lands were being degraded as a result of oil production, by companies: Royal Dutch Shell, Cheveron, Texaco, Mobil, etc. Shell’s activities were most prominent. The living condition deteriorated so much. Oil spillage polluted most of the available land, contaminated the rivers, caused massive destruction of fish and crippled their farming. Water was obtained from very muddy water holes as there was no available pipe borne water, no electricity supply, schools, good motorable roads, hospitals and various basic ameties were things of imagination. The people lived in penury, abandoned to disease and poverty.

The intention of MOSOP was to ensure through dialogue that the Ogonis were given their due cultural rights, enjoyed social services, gained government recognition and enjoyed a fair share of the revenue being generated from their lands. Unfortunately the pleas of MOSOP fell on deaf ears as the federal government showed no concern. When it became obvious that they were making no headway, the Ogonis turned their struggle onto the oil companies operating in the area-Shell in particular-demanding compensation, damages and accumulated royalties to the tune of $10 billion. They threatened to disrupt the operations of the oil companies if they failed to comply with these as well as negotiations for mutual agreement on future drilling.

The federal government reacted to this by banning public gatherings but in spite of the ban, MOSOP went ahead to conduct an enormous public mobilization on the 4th of January 1993, gathering around 300,000 people in massive festivities, an event called the first Ogoni Day. The mobilization continued over the next month but some members of the Ogonis began to engage in violent acts as opposed their nonviolent approach. An Ogoni mob had beaten one Shell employee. Shell consequently withdrew its employees from Ogoniland an action which caused a remarkable decline in oil production. The federal government reacted to this by deploying military troops into Ogoniland. The result of this was severe opression of the Ogonis by military men.

By May 1994 more military men had been deployed to Ogoni villages. On May 21 four Ogoni chiefs (all on the conservative side of a schism within MOSOP over strategy) were brutally murdered. The murders were blamed on Ken Saro-Wiwa who strangely enough was denied entry into Ogoniland that same day. Also blamed were eight other prominent activists of MOSOP. By June, a lot of villages had been burnt down, farmland and livestock destroyed, with Ogoni women and girls being threatened with rape by military men. An alarming 2000 civilians died during this period of military occupation.

On 10 November 1995, Ken Saro-Wiwa and the other eight activists, popularly referred to as the "Ogoni Nine", were hanged much to the chagrin of the international community. Their trial was manipulated. The members of the tribunal were hand-picked, and bribed witnesses testified against the Ogoni Nine. This happened during the regime of General Sani Abacha, whose relationship with the international community had deteriorated extensively, largely as a result of human rights disregard. The Commonwealth of Nations responded to the executions by suspending Nigeria's membership.

The tension in the Niger Delta gradually subsided and the advent of democracy, restored relative ease. So much expectation surrounded the new democratic government, the Niger Delta people in particular considered it as a solution to all their problems. What else could be expected when the Obasanjo-led democracy made mouth-watering promises of better life to all Nigerians? The Creation of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NNDC) in 2000 was seen as a perfect answer to the situation. The NNDC, funded by the oil companies and Nigeria's federal government receives a total of $235 million to spend every year, a sum considered as peanuts compared to the problems in the Niger Delta.

Violence however resurfaced in 2004, this time by the Ijaws, the majority ethnic group in the Niger Delta, under the leadership of Alhaji Mujahid Dokubo-Asari a university drop-out and popularly identified as Asari. Asari Dokubo is a self styled activist, employing violence, threats and force as his own way of asserting the rights of the people of the Niger Delta who have long been marginalized by successive military regimes and now by the non productive democracy. Apparently, using the failure of the nonviolent method employed by Ken Saro-Wiwa and MOSOP as a yardstick to justify his violent approach, Asari and his Niger Delta People's Volunteeer Force (NDPVF which he heads) seeks to bring about the independence of the Niger Delta people from the Nigerian state, and become solely responsible for the control of the oil resources which is regarded as their rightful possession.

Asari Dokubo a former leader of the Ijaw Youth Council formed the NDPVF, the largest armed militant group in the region and responsible for much of the unrest in the Niger Delta. The NDPVF whose members are mostly Ijaws has also been engaged in armed conflict with the Niger Delta Vigilante (NDV also largely numbered by Ijaws), another militant group headed by Akeke Tom. These two are probably the most pronounced militant groups in the region. Smaller militias form alliance with the NDPVF or the NDV.

The NDPVF attempts to control oil resources by tapping pipelines and extracting it into a barge, which is then sold abroad but usually to neighbouring West African countries. This act known as Bunkering is considered is considered a serious crime by the Nigerian state, but justified by the militias giving their long exploitation as their basis.

The NDPVF was believed to be funded by Peter Odili, the present governor of Rivers state of Nigeria. But after Asari publicly criticized the April 2003 polls, describing it as fraudulent, he fell off favour with Peter Odili who then was campaigning for a second tenure. Odili turned his attention to the NDV and effectively launched a paramilitary campaign against the NDVPF. This infuriated and yet emboldened Asari who declared an all-out war with the Nigerian state as well as the oil corporations and threatened to disrupt oil production activities by attacking oil wells and pipelines. As a result of this threat, Shell withdrew 235 of its non-essential personnel form the oil fields. This subsequently caused a decline in oil production.

Asari was arrested in 2005; NDPVF members went under intense armed confrontation with the Nigerian military after President Olusegun Obasanjo launched a mission to wipe out NDPVF in early September of the same year. The Nigerian military were assisted by the NDV in fighting the NDPVF, a crisis that resembled the Ogoni saga about three years before.

The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), is the newest and perhaps most deadly militia in the Niger Delta. Believed to have ties with NDPVF (some members of the NDPVF have purportedly joined MEND). MEND operates in a fashion peculiar to terrorists, mostly hostage taking, carrying out destructive actions and claiming responsibility, etc. No case of suicide bombing though. Unlike the previous militant groups involved in acts of bunkering, MEND seems to be reacting, to the long period of neglect and frustration suffered by the Niger Delta people. Even the current democratic government has done little to alleviate their plight.

MEND's identity and history is unknown since its leaders prefer to remain anonymous. It is clandestine in nature. The main visible figure is known as Major General Tamuno Goodswill, the Field Officer Commanding (FOC). MEND's cause appears to be well calculated and planned. Operating with quite sophisticated methods, their recent actions beginning last year have primarily been hostage taking, the victims are usually foreign expatriates and the military men who guard them; ransom is being demanded for their release. Presently, MEND has called for the unconditional release of Asari Dokubo who was jailed for treason but regarded by the locals as a hero for standing up to the federal government, and Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, the former governor of Bayelsa state, charged with corruption and money laundering. MEND's threats are more deliberate, and their activities more tactical than the previous militias. One of their stated aims is to completely destroy the Nigerian government's capacity to export oil. Also, they intend to localize control of Nigeria's oil. In late April 2005 a car bomb was triggered in Warri in Delta state at an oil-truck shop. The bomb was activated by a cell phone and was partly a warning to the Chinese government (who recently showed interest in Nigeria's oil industry), to stay away. In December last year, another cell phone activated bomb was used to destroy the residential staff quarters occupied by Shell employees. MEND reportedly seeks to unite all relevant militant groups in the Niger Delta.

Even though unknown, it is generally believed that MEND's leaders are most likely prominent politicians and elite citizens who have personal interests in the nation’s oil wealth. These too are responsible for funding the militant group. It is also alleged that all MEND's leaders may not likely be indigenes of the Niger Delta but could come from any part of the country. MEND's existence is thus believed to be some kind of political manipulation.

The commotions in the Niger Delta and the resulting poverty are a reflection of the level of corruption in Nigeria. The country is being ruled by individuals who seek personal benefits from oil wealth rather than the interest of the populace. The truth remains that the Niger Delta people have long been treated as though they weren't Nigerians at all. No matter how bad the actions of the militants may seem, one fact still stands unchanged- "WE GAVE THEM REASON TO ACT IN THE WAY THEY DO NOW." The long military rule may be considered incapable, but the present democratic government has done very little in the past eight years. This is a clear indication of the government’s incapability to recognize the seriousness of issues and act swiftly and efficiently. Currently the Niger Delta states receive 18% of revenue generated from oil. This is aside the national budget yet the effect of this money is not seen. State governors are being accused of siphoning the money and using it to generate personal profits. Though internal corruption in the Niger Delta has also been a serious problem, almost nothing is done about it. There is gradual development going on in the Niger Delta but projects are undertaken at such a snail-like speed that generates uncertainty.

As we approach the next general elections there is quite a degree of tension. Most Nigerians already foresee a shady electoral process. The issue of the Niger Delta is generating fear. It has become the major topic of most television talk programmes. We are at the brink of a situation that might end up in another civil war if not properly handled. Funny as this may seem, the Niger Delta people's plight became known only when the militants took to arms. So many situations in Nigeria gained government recognition only when they became violent. A lot of unanswered questions loom in the mind of concerned Nigerians: Could we have prevented all these? Would there be an end to Nigerians corruption? What could MEND be up to? Why were the Niger Delta people treated so badly in the first place? If Ken Saro-Wiwa had been taken seriously, would all these have happened?

A lot of armed militant groups have sprung up in the Niger Delta but many of them are small gangs engaged in bunkering and the likes. Some of them have claimed to be MEND, taking up MEND's cause but the real MEND still remains distinct in their operations. To think of the kind of ammunition in MEND's possession makes you wonder where all these is leading and how these weapons were smuggled into the country in the first place, especially now that the country's customs wing is almost fully operational. But while Oil Gunmen-the militants in the Niger Delta are being considered as criminals, and MEND, a terrorist group, they enjoy support from the people in the region who see them as heroes and possible liberators.

So, considering the trauma these people were made to undergo, what do you think of the militants? What do you think of MEND? Criminals? Terrorists? Or maybe (with the kind of government they had to confront) a new kind of Activists?

Nigerian Kidnappers release 24 Filipino hostages

By Estelle Shirbon

Nigerian kidnappers have released all 24 Filipino seamen they had been holding captive in the creeks of the oil-producing Niger Delta since January 20, the men's employer, German shipping firm Baco-Liner, said on Tuesday.

The kidnappers said they had freed the men "on humanitarian grounds" without receiving any ransom, following the intervention of local elders and authorities. Most abductions in the anarchic Niger Delta are resolved after money changes hands.

"All 24 hostages are on board our vessel, Baco-Liner 2, and they're on their way to Warri now where they will be handed over directly to our agent," a spokesman for the company said, referring to the main city in the western delta.

He said the men were tired but in good health.

Another seven foreign hostages seized by different armed groups are still in captivity in the delta, where violence against expatriates and against the oil industry is on the rise. The remaining hostages are two Italians, one Lebanese, one American, two Filipinos and one Frenchman.

The kidnappers of the 24 Filipinos said they had seized the Baco-Liner 2 because it was "suspected to have been conveying arms and ammunition imported by top politicians in the country, to destabilize the 2007 general elections in the region."

Nigeria is due to hold elections in April that should mark the first democratic transition from one civilian government to the next in Africa's top oil producer.

The Baco-Liner spokesman said there were explosives on board the cargo ship but these were destined for oil companies that use them for exploration and had nothing to do with politics.

"We are not engaged in any smuggling whatsoever," said the spokesman.

DIVISIONS AMONG REBELS

The kidnappers said they would take unspecified "further actions" unless Nigerian authorities met a series of demands including the release of two jailed leaders from the delta and the payment of compensation to local villages for oil spills.

The abduction of the 24 Filipinos exposed divisions among rebel groups in the delta.

The kidnappers said they were from the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), whose attacks a year ago forced the closure of 500,000 barrels per day in oil output, a fifth of Nigeria's capacity. That production has not resumed.

But Jomo Gbomo, who has always spoken for MEND since the group emerged in late 2005, has repeatedly denied his group was involved in the abduction. He says a separate group was responsible and MEND does not share that group's objectives.

Activist sources in the region say the group who kidnapped the Filipinos used to have links with Gbomo's MEND about a year ago, but they had fallen out. MEND has sometimes worked with pre-existing militias whose agendas are based on local issues.

Poverty, lawlessness and a collapse in public services due to rampant corruption among government officials lie at the root of the problems in the Niger Delta, where the lines are blurred between political militancy and crime.

Most residents of the vast wetlands region live without clean water, electricity, roads or functional clinics and this fuels resentment toward the multibillion-dollar oil industry.

Attacks on oil facilities, kidnappings for ransom, smuggling of stolen oil, armed robberies and assaults on the security forces are all common. Many fear the situation will worsen ahead of April's elections as armed thugs hired by politicians to intimidate their opponents spring into action.

Oil Gunmen kill Nigerian Chiefs

BBC NEWS

Gunmen in Nigeria's oil region have attacked and killed 12 people including four local chiefs, police say.

When The Foreign Expatriates are gone they turn to the "Local Expatriates", like crocodiles who eat their own eggs. "The popular quote in economics is thus justified: when the desireable is unavailable, the available becomes the desireable".

Two passengers who suffered gunshot wounds during the attack escaped from a boat that was carrying 14 passengers to Kula village in the Niger Delta.

The four chiefs were from the Kula kingdom in Rivers State.

Western oil companies have also evacuated their staff from three oil fields in the area, where kidnappings by armed groups are quite common.

Sources in the Kula community say the attack was prompted by disagreements between local groups over sharing out money distributed by oil companies operating there.

There are also reports that the attack could have been a result of a long-standing chieftaincy tussle.

The chiefs who were killed on Sunday had been in control in Kula over the past two years.

The faction that launched the boat attack are said to have been driven out of Kula two years ago after they challenged the authority of local chiefs to share oil money.

Although all of Nigeria's oil exports come from the Niger Delta, the region remains poor with local groups taking up arms to demand larger control of the oil wealth.

The government says instability in the Delta cost some $4.4bn last year.