By Paul Abojeh
Located in the tropic of Cancer, Nigeria stretches from latitude 40N to latitude 140N. The Southern part of the country, being so close to the Equator is characterized by the peculiar climatic conditions: high temperatures, high precipitation (mostly rainfall), etc. The rainfall in this region is virtually all year round measuring around 1500mm and above, annually. On the southern border of Nigeria, is the Atlantic Ocean. One of Africa’s paramount rivers, the river Niger, flows into Nigeria and has as it’s main tributary, the river Benue (an equally large river) joining it in Lokoja. This voluminous river hereafter flows down south into the Atlantic.
Now, considering this amount of hydro reception all year round, it is definitely not difficult to envision the topography of this region.
The vegetation is mostly populated with very tall evergreen trees, because of the abundance of water. The plenitude of water has also caused a lot of adverse effects. Most of the lands have been washed away resulting in massive and devastating gully erosions. The people are left to survive mainly on water, thus the main occupation is fishing and a little bit of farming, mostly on a subsistence scale.
Talk of poverty; you have it here, embodied.
This is indisputably Nigeria’s poorest region but, ironically, this is where Nigeria survives, from. This is the Niger Delta!
The word "Niger Delta" as related to Nigeria has generated into a case of not only national but also international concern. It conjures a picture of civil unrest, poverty, frustration, and most of all, violence. All of these social evils result from the presence of huge reserves of crude oil, one of the largest on the planet; Nigeria being the largest producer in Africa and the sixth largest exporter of petroleum in the world, earning about $3billion a month. These figures sure ring a bell considering the gross case of poverty in Nigeria. What's happening to all these money and why the poverty and violence in the Niger Delta?
The story of the degrading situation in the Niger Delta began with the discovery of Crude Oil in 1956 in Oloibiri, Bayelsa state of Nigeria. Mining did not start however until 1963. Nigeria had just gotten independence from British colonialism three years before and was governed by a kind of parliamentary government. This government did not mature, as there was a military coup in 1963. Until 1999 when democracy began, the military had ruled the country with about two cases of civilian rule intersecting. Nigeria existed as four distinct regions; the northern, eastern, western and mid-western regions. The mid-western region had been created from the western region in the same 1963. It is the mid-western region that largely forms the Niger Delta. With the creation of states (first 12, then 19, 21, 30 and currently, 36) however, the Niger Delta now covers nine states namely: Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and Rivers states.
Allocation of financial revenue was fair. Individual regions got an extra percentage of the revenue generated from local products. That is to say the northern region for instance, known for vast production of groundnut got about 45% of the country's income on groundnut. The same applied to the eastern and western region where oil palm and cocoa were produced respectively. The federal government received the remaining 55%. Agriculture was the main stay of the economy and still contributes-albeit little, as compared to crude oil. After its creation the mid-west enjoyed this same revenue allocation, its main product being crude oil. This allocation was besides the national budget.
Unfortunately, the civil war broke out in Nigeria in 1977. This caused the federal government to suspend the 45% revenue allocation to the eastern and mid western regions, since these were the bases for the rebel group, Biafra. Thus the big problem began.
The war ended in 1970 and things did not go back to normal as expected. Crude oil mining continued but the revenue allocation did not.
The situation of things in the Niger Delta began to deteriorate rapidly as crude oil exploration increased to meet the growing demand of oil locally, but mostly internationally. Being a quick way of generating money, the Nigerian government concentrated its attention onto oil production leaving agriculture and other sectors to dwindle away. As a result of the massive reserve of oil in the Niger Delta the locals were being forced by the federal government to leave their homes-without an alternative or compensation-, so as to provide more space for the growth of the oil industry. Strange as it may seem, these people were left with nothing and if ever there was any compensation, it was absolutely negligible. Then there was a 1779 constitutional addition, which gave the federal government universal ownership and rights to all Nigerian territory. This also included natural resources. If there was any compensation for land, it was based on the value of crops on the land at the time of acquisition, not on the value of the land itself. The federal government obviously wanted to justify its actions. This is the kind of treatment obtainable, in a country where human rights means nothing unless you were are from the ruling or elite class.
It was difficult for the Niger Delta people to carryout a collective protest to alleviat
e their plight. The region had been plagued by decades of ethnic and communal conflicts over land and available resources. These became worsened with the discovery of crude oil. Comprising some 20 million people, belonging to over 40 ethnic groups and speaking around 250 dialects, it is pretty difficult to form any kind of unison. This may look strange but Nigeria has around 400 "known" ethnic groups. Even within a state the discrimination between ethnic groups can be so great that neighbouring ethnic groups are treated like aliens, regardless of the similarities in dialects and culture. Sometimes one wonders however this country was successfully created. Oil exploration mostly affected the more riverine communities like the Ijaws, the Itsekiris, the Ogonis, etc, the Ijaws being the majority. These ethnic groups are located in Rivers, Bayelsa, Delta, and Edo states. The Ijaws however, spread throughout the coast of Nigeria, including Lagos state.
In the early 90s however Ken Saro-wiwa alongside a number of educated elites and chiefs all Ogonis, founded The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP). Their cause was to make known the plight of the Ogonis (though a minority), whose lands were being degraded as a result of oil production, by companies: Royal Dutch Shell, Cheveron, Texaco, Mobil, etc. Shell’s activities were most prominent. The living condition deteriorated so much. Oil spillage polluted most of the available land, contaminated the rivers, caused massive destruction of fish and crippled their farming. Water was obtained from very muddy water holes as there was no available pipe borne water, no electricity supply, schools, good motorable roads, hospitals and various basic ameties were things of imagination. The people lived in penury, abandoned to disease and poverty.
The intention of MOSOP was to ensure through dialogue that the Ogonis were given their due cultural rights, enjoyed social services, gained government recognition and enjoyed a fair share of the revenue being generated from their lands. Unfortunately the pleas of MOSOP fell on deaf ears as the federal government showed no concern. When it became obvious that they were making no headway, the Ogonis turned their struggle onto the oil companies operating in the area-Shell in particular-demanding compensation, damages and accumulated royalties to the tune of $10 billion. They threatened to disrupt the operations of the oil companies if they failed to comply with these as well as negotiations for mutual agreement on future drilling.
The federal government reacted to this by banning public gatherings but in spite of the ban, MOSOP went ahead to conduct an enormous public mobilization on the 4th of January 1993, gathering around 300,000 people in massive festivities, an event called the first Ogoni Day. The mobilization continued over the next month but some members of the Ogonis began to engage in violent acts as opposed their nonviolent approach. An Ogoni mob had beaten one Shell employee. Shell consequently withdrew its employees from Ogoniland an action which caused a remarkable decline in oil production. The federal government reacted to this by deploying military troops into Ogoniland. The result of this was severe opression of the Ogonis by military men.
By May 1994 more military men had been deployed to Ogoni villages. On May 21 four Ogoni chiefs (all on the conservative side of a schism within MOSOP over strategy) were brutally murdered. The murders were blamed on Ken Saro-Wiwa who strangely enough was denied entry into Ogoniland that same day. Also blamed were eight other prominent activists of MOSOP. By June, a lot of villages had been burnt down, farmland and livestock destroyed, with Ogoni women and girls being threatened with rape by military men. An alarming 2000 civilians died during this period of military occupation.
On 10 November 1995, Ken Saro-Wiwa and the other eight activists, popularly referred to as the "Ogoni Nine", were hanged much to the chagrin of the international community. Their trial was manipulated. The members of the tribunal were hand-picked, and bribed witnesses testified against the Ogoni Nine. This happened during the regime of General Sani Abacha, whose relationship with the international community had deteriorated extensively, largely as a result of human rights disregard. The Commonwealth of Nations responded to the executions by suspending Nigeria's membership.
The tension in the Niger Delta gradually subsided and the advent of democracy, restored relative ease. So much expectation surrounded the new democratic government, the Niger Delta people in particular considered it as a solution to all their problems. What else could be expected when the Obasanjo-led democracy made mouth-watering promises of better life to all Nigerians? The Creation of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NNDC) in 2000 was seen as a perfect answer to the situation. The NNDC, funded by the oil companies and Nigeria's federal government receives a total of $235 million to spend every year, a sum considered as peanuts compared to the problems in the Niger Delta.
Violence however resurfaced in 2004, this time by the Ijaws, the majority ethnic group in the Niger Delta, under the leadership of Alhaji Mujahid Dokubo-Asari a university drop-out and popularly identified as Asari. Asari Dokubo is a self styled activist, employing violence, threats and force as his own way of asserting the rights of the people of the Niger Delta who have long been marginalized by successive military regimes and now by the non productive democracy. Apparently, using the failure of the nonviolent method employed by Ken Saro-Wiwa and MOSOP as a yardstick to justify his violent approach, Asari and his Niger Delta People's Volunteeer Force (NDPVF which he heads) seeks to bring about the independence of the Niger Delta people from the Nigerian state, and become solely responsible for the control of the oil resources which is regarded as their rightful possession.
Asari Dokubo a former leader of the Ijaw Youth Council formed the NDPVF, the largest armed militant group in the region and responsible for much of the unrest in the Niger Delta. The NDPVF whose members are mostly Ijaws has also been engaged in armed conflict with the Niger Delta Vigilante (NDV also largely numbered by Ijaws), another militant group headed by Akeke Tom. These two are probably the most pronounced militant groups in the region. Smaller militias form alliance with the NDPVF or the NDV.
The NDPVF attempts to control oil resources by tapping pipelines and extracting it into a barge, which is then sold abroad but usually to neighbouring West African countries. This act known as Bunkering is considered is considered a serious crime by the Nigerian state, but justified by the militias giving their long exploitation as their basis.
The NDPVF was believed to be funded by Peter Odili, the present governor of Rivers state of Nigeria. But after Asari publicly criticized the April 2003 polls, describing it as fraudulent, he fell off favour with Peter Odili who then was campaigning for a second tenure. Odili turned his attention to the NDV and effectively launched a paramilitary campaign against the NDVPF. This infuriated and yet emboldened Asari who declared an all-out war with the Nigerian state as well as the oil corporations and threatened to disrupt oil production activities by attacking oil wells and pipelines. As a result of this threat, Shell withdrew 235 of its non-essential personnel form the oil fields. This subsequently caused a decline in oil production.
Asari was arrested in 2005; NDPVF members went under intense armed confrontation with the Nigerian military after President Olusegun Obasanjo launched a mission to wipe out NDPVF in early September of the same year. The Nigerian military were assisted by the NDV in fighting the NDPVF, a crisis that resembled the Ogoni saga about three years before.
The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), is the newest and perhaps most deadly militia in the Niger Delta. Believed to have ties with NDPVF (some members of the NDPVF have purportedly joined MEND). MEND operates in a fashion peculiar to terrorists, mostly hostage taking, carrying out destructive actions and claiming responsibility, etc. No case of suicide bombing though. Unlike the previous militant groups involved in acts of bunkering, MEND seems to be reacting, to the long period of neglect and frustration suffered by the Niger Delta people. Even the current democratic government has done little to alleviate their plight.
MEND's identity and history is unknown since its leaders prefer to remain anonymous. It is clandestine in nature. The main visible figure is known as Major General Tamuno Goodswill, the Field Officer Commanding (FOC). MEND's cause appears to be well calculated and planned. Operating with quite sophisticated methods, their recent actions beginning last year have primarily been hostage taking, the victims are usually foreign expatriates and the military men who guard them; ransom is being demanded for their release. Presently, MEND has called for the unconditional release of Asari Dokubo who was jailed for treason but regarded by the locals as a hero for standing up to the federal government, and Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, the former governor of Bayelsa state, charged with corruption and money laundering. MEND's threats are more deliberate, and their activities more tactical than the previous militias. One of their stated aims is to completely destroy the Nigerian government's capacity to export oil. Also, they intend to localize control of Nigeria's oil. In late April 2005 a car bomb was triggered in Warri in Delta state at an oil-truck shop. The bomb was activated by a cell phone and was partly a warning to the Chinese government (who recently showed interest in Nigeria's oil industry), to stay away. In December last year, another cell phone activated bomb was used to destroy the residential staff quarters occupied by Shell employees. MEND reportedly seeks to unite all relevant militant groups in the Niger Delta.
Even though unknown, it is generally believed that MEND's leaders are most likely prominent politicians and elite citizens who have personal interests in the nation’s oil wealth. These too are responsible for funding the militant group. It is also alleged that all MEND's leaders may not likely be indigenes of the Niger Delta but could come from any part of the country. MEND's existence is thus believed to be some kind of political manipulation.
The commotions in the Niger Delta and the resulting poverty are a reflection of the level of corruption in Nigeria. The country is being ruled by individuals who seek personal benefits from oil wealth rather than the interest of the populace. The truth remains that the Niger Delta people have long been treated as though they weren't Nigerians at all. No matter how bad the actions of the militants may seem, one fact still stands unchanged- "WE GAVE THEM REASON TO ACT IN THE WAY THEY DO NOW." The long military rule may be considered incapable, but the present democratic government has done very little in the past eight years. This is a clear indication of the government’s incapability to recognize the seriousness of issues and act swiftly and efficiently. Currently the Niger Delta states receive 18% of revenue generated from oil. This is aside the national budget yet the effect of this money is not seen. State governors are being accused of siphoning the money and using it to generate personal profits. Though internal corruption in the Niger Delta has also been a serious problem, almost nothing is done about it. There is gradual development going on in the Niger Delta but projects are undertaken at such a snail-like speed that generates uncertainty.
As we approach the next general elections there is quite a degree of tension. Most Nigerians already foresee a shady electoral process. The issue of the Niger Delta is generating fear. It has become the major topic of most television talk programmes. We are at the brink of a situation that might end up in another civil war if not properly handled. Funny as this may seem, the Niger Delta people's plight became known only when the militants took to arms. So many situations in Nigeria gained government recognition only when they became violent. A lot of unanswered questions loom in the mind of concerned Nigerians: Could we have prevented all these? Would there be an end to Nigerians corruption? What could MEND be up to? Why were the Niger Delta people treated so badly in the first place? If Ken Saro-Wiwa had been taken seriously, would all these have happened?
A lot of armed militant groups have sprung up in the Niger Delta but many of them are small gangs engaged in bunkering and the likes. Some of them have claimed to be MEND, taking up MEND's cause but the real MEND still remains distinct in their operations. To think of the kind of ammunition in MEND's possession makes you wonder where all these is leading and how these weapons were smuggled into the country in the first place, especially now that the country's customs wing is almost fully operational. But while Oil Gunmen-the militants in the Niger Delta are being considered as criminals, and MEND, a terrorist group, they enjoy support from the people in the region who see them as heroes and possible liberators.
So, considering the trauma these people were made to undergo, what do you think of the militants? What do you think of MEND? Criminals? Terrorists? Or maybe (with the kind of government they had to confront) a new kind of Activists?
Now, considering this amount of hydro reception all year round, it is definitely not difficult to envision the topography of this region.
The vegetation is mostly populated with very tall evergreen trees, because of the abundance of water. The plenitude of water has also caused a lot of adverse effects. Most of the lands have been washed away resulting in massive and devastating gully erosions. The people are left to survive mainly on water, thus the main occupation is fishing and a little bit of farming, mostly on a subsistence scale.
Talk of poverty; you have it here, embodied.
This is indisputably Nigeria’s poorest region but, ironically, this is where Nigeria survives, from. This is the Niger Delta!
The word "Niger Delta" as related to Nigeria has generated into a case of not only national but also international concern. It conjures a picture of civil unrest, poverty, frustration, and most of all, violence. All of these social evils result from the presence of huge reserves of crude oil, one of the largest on the planet; Nigeria being the largest producer in Africa and the sixth largest exporter of petroleum in the world, earning about $3billion a month. These figures sure ring a bell considering the gross case of poverty in Nigeria. What's happening to all these money and why the poverty and violence in the Niger Delta?
The story of the degrading situation in the Niger Delta began with the discovery of Crude Oil in 1956 in Oloibiri, Bayelsa state of Nigeria. Mining did not start however until 1963. Nigeria had just gotten independence from British colonialism three years before and was governed by a kind of parliamentary government. This government did not mature, as there was a military coup in 1963. Until 1999 when democracy began, the military had ruled the country with about two cases of civilian rule intersecting. Nigeria existed as four distinct regions; the northern, eastern, western and mid-western regions. The mid-western region had been created from the western region in the same 1963. It is the mid-western region that largely forms the Niger Delta. With the creation of states (first 12, then 19, 21, 30 and currently, 36) however, the Niger Delta now covers nine states namely: Abia, Akwa Ibom, Bayelsa, Cross River, Delta, Edo, Imo, Ondo and Rivers states.
Allocation of financial revenue was fair. Individual regions got an extra percentage of the revenue generated from local products. That is to say the northern region for instance, known for vast production of groundnut got about 45% of the country's income on groundnut. The same applied to the eastern and western region where oil palm and cocoa were produced respectively. The federal government received the remaining 55%. Agriculture was the main stay of the economy and still contributes-albeit little, as compared to crude oil. After its creation the mid-west enjoyed this same revenue allocation, its main product being crude oil. This allocation was besides the national budget.
Unfortunately, the civil war broke out in Nigeria in 1977. This caused the federal government to suspend the 45% revenue allocation to the eastern and mid western regions, since these were the bases for the rebel group, Biafra. Thus the big problem began.
The war ended in 1970 and things did not go back to normal as expected. Crude oil mining continued but the revenue allocation did not.
The situation of things in the Niger Delta began to deteriorate rapidly as crude oil exploration increased to meet the growing demand of oil locally, but mostly internationally. Being a quick way of generating money, the Nigerian government concentrated its attention onto oil production leaving agriculture and other sectors to dwindle away. As a result of the massive reserve of oil in the Niger Delta the locals were being forced by the federal government to leave their homes-without an alternative or compensation-, so as to provide more space for the growth of the oil industry. Strange as it may seem, these people were left with nothing and if ever there was any compensation, it was absolutely negligible. Then there was a 1779 constitutional addition, which gave the federal government universal ownership and rights to all Nigerian territory. This also included natural resources. If there was any compensation for land, it was based on the value of crops on the land at the time of acquisition, not on the value of the land itself. The federal government obviously wanted to justify its actions. This is the kind of treatment obtainable, in a country where human rights means nothing unless you were are from the ruling or elite class.
It was difficult for the Niger Delta people to carryout a collective protest to alleviat
e their plight. The region had been plagued by decades of ethnic and communal conflicts over land and available resources. These became worsened with the discovery of crude oil. Comprising some 20 million people, belonging to over 40 ethnic groups and speaking around 250 dialects, it is pretty difficult to form any kind of unison. This may look strange but Nigeria has around 400 "known" ethnic groups. Even within a state the discrimination between ethnic groups can be so great that neighbouring ethnic groups are treated like aliens, regardless of the similarities in dialects and culture. Sometimes one wonders however this country was successfully created. Oil exploration mostly affected the more riverine communities like the Ijaws, the Itsekiris, the Ogonis, etc, the Ijaws being the majority. These ethnic groups are located in Rivers, Bayelsa, Delta, and Edo states. The Ijaws however, spread throughout the coast of Nigeria, including Lagos state.In the early 90s however Ken Saro-wiwa alongside a number of educated elites and chiefs all Ogonis, founded The Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP). Their cause was to make known the plight of the Ogonis (though a minority), whose lands were being degraded as a result of oil production, by companies: Royal Dutch Shell, Cheveron, Texaco, Mobil, etc. Shell’s activities were most prominent. The living condition deteriorated so much. Oil spillage polluted most of the available land, contaminated the rivers, caused massive destruction of fish and crippled their farming. Water was obtained from very muddy water holes as there was no available pipe borne water, no electricity supply, schools, good motorable roads, hospitals and various basic ameties were things of imagination. The people lived in penury, abandoned to disease and poverty.
The intention of MOSOP was to ensure through dialogue that the Ogonis were given their due cultural rights, enjoyed social services, gained government recognition and enjoyed a fair share of the revenue being generated from their lands. Unfortunately the pleas of MOSOP fell on deaf ears as the federal government showed no concern. When it became obvious that they were making no headway, the Ogonis turned their struggle onto the oil companies operating in the area-Shell in particular-demanding compensation, damages and accumulated royalties to the tune of $10 billion. They threatened to disrupt the operations of the oil companies if they failed to comply with these as well as negotiations for mutual agreement on future drilling.
The federal government reacted to this by banning public gatherings but in spite of the ban, MOSOP went ahead to conduct an enormous public mobilization on the 4th of January 1993, gathering around 300,000 people in massive festivities, an event called the first Ogoni Day. The mobilization continued over the next month but some members of the Ogonis began to engage in violent acts as opposed their nonviolent approach. An Ogoni mob had beaten one Shell employee. Shell consequently withdrew its employees from Ogoniland an action which caused a remarkable decline in oil production. The federal government reacted to this by deploying military troops into Ogoniland. The result of this was severe opression of the Ogonis by military men.
By May 1994 more military men had been deployed to Ogoni villages. On May 21 four Ogoni chiefs (all on the conservative side of a schism within MOSOP over strategy) were brutally murdered. The murders were blamed on Ken Saro-Wiwa who strangely enough was denied entry into Ogoniland that same day. Also blamed were eight other prominent activists of MOSOP. By June, a lot of villages had been burnt down, farmland and livestock destroyed, with Ogoni women and girls being threatened with rape by military men. An alarming 2000 civilians died during this period of military occupation.
On 10 November 1995, Ken Saro-Wiwa and the other eight activists, popularly referred to as the "Ogoni Nine", were hanged much to the chagrin of the international community. Their trial was manipulated. The members of the tribunal were hand-picked, and bribed witnesses testified against the Ogoni Nine. This happened during the regime of General Sani Abacha, whose relationship with the international community had deteriorated extensively, largely as a result of human rights disregard. The Commonwealth of Nations responded to the executions by suspending Nigeria's membership.
The tension in the Niger Delta gradually subsided and the advent of democracy, restored relative ease. So much expectation surrounded the new democratic government, the Niger Delta people in particular considered it as a solution to all their problems. What else could be expected when the Obasanjo-led democracy made mouth-watering promises of better life to all Nigerians? The Creation of the Niger Delta Development Commission (NNDC) in 2000 was seen as a perfect answer to the situation. The NNDC, funded by the oil companies and Nigeria's federal government receives a total of $235 million to spend every year, a sum considered as peanuts compared to the problems in the Niger Delta.
Violence however resurfaced in 2004, this time by the Ijaws, the majority ethnic group in the Niger Delta, under the leadership of Alhaji Mujahid Dokubo-Asari a university drop-out and popularly identified as Asari. Asari Dokubo is a self styled activist, employing violence, threats and force as his own way of asserting the rights of the people of the Niger Delta who have long been marginalized by successive military regimes and now by the non productive democracy. Apparently, using the failure of the nonviolent method employed by Ken Saro-Wiwa and MOSOP as a yardstick to justify his violent approach, Asari and his Niger Delta People's Volunteeer Force (NDPVF which he heads) seeks to bring about the independence of the Niger Delta people from the Nigerian state, and become solely responsible for the control of the oil resources which is regarded as their rightful possession.
Asari Dokubo a former leader of the Ijaw Youth Council formed the NDPVF, the largest armed militant group in the region and responsible for much of the unrest in the Niger Delta. The NDPVF whose members are mostly Ijaws has also been engaged in armed conflict with the Niger Delta Vigilante (NDV also largely numbered by Ijaws), another militant group headed by Akeke Tom. These two are probably the most pronounced militant groups in the region. Smaller militias form alliance with the NDPVF or the NDV.
The NDPVF attempts to control oil resources by tapping pipelines and extracting it into a barge, which is then sold abroad but usually to neighbouring West African countries. This act known as Bunkering is considered is considered a serious crime by the Nigerian state, but justified by the militias giving their long exploitation as their basis.
The NDPVF was believed to be funded by Peter Odili, the present governor of Rivers state of Nigeria. But after Asari publicly criticized the April 2003 polls, describing it as fraudulent, he fell off favour with Peter Odili who then was campaigning for a second tenure. Odili turned his attention to the NDV and effectively launched a paramilitary campaign against the NDVPF. This infuriated and yet emboldened Asari who declared an all-out war with the Nigerian state as well as the oil corporations and threatened to disrupt oil production activities by attacking oil wells and pipelines. As a result of this threat, Shell withdrew 235 of its non-essential personnel form the oil fields. This subsequently caused a decline in oil production.
Asari was arrested in 2005; NDPVF members went under intense armed confrontation with the Nigerian military after President Olusegun Obasanjo launched a mission to wipe out NDPVF in early September of the same year. The Nigerian military were assisted by the NDV in fighting the NDPVF, a crisis that resembled the Ogoni saga about three years before.
The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), is the newest and perhaps most deadly militia in the Niger Delta. Believed to have ties with NDPVF (some members of the NDPVF have purportedly joined MEND). MEND operates in a fashion peculiar to terrorists, mostly hostage taking, carrying out destructive actions and claiming responsibility, etc. No case of suicide bombing though. Unlike the previous militant groups involved in acts of bunkering, MEND seems to be reacting, to the long period of neglect and frustration suffered by the Niger Delta people. Even the current democratic government has done little to alleviate their plight.
MEND's identity and history is unknown since its leaders prefer to remain anonymous. It is clandestine in nature. The main visible figure is known as Major General Tamuno Goodswill, the Field Officer Commanding (FOC). MEND's cause appears to be well calculated and planned. Operating with quite sophisticated methods, their recent actions beginning last year have primarily been hostage taking, the victims are usually foreign expatriates and the military men who guard them; ransom is being demanded for their release. Presently, MEND has called for the unconditional release of Asari Dokubo who was jailed for treason but regarded by the locals as a hero for standing up to the federal government, and Diepreye Alamieyeseigha, the former governor of Bayelsa state, charged with corruption and money laundering. MEND's threats are more deliberate, and their activities more tactical than the previous militias. One of their stated aims is to completely destroy the Nigerian government's capacity to export oil. Also, they intend to localize control of Nigeria's oil. In late April 2005 a car bomb was triggered in Warri in Delta state at an oil-truck shop. The bomb was activated by a cell phone and was partly a warning to the Chinese government (who recently showed interest in Nigeria's oil industry), to stay away. In December last year, another cell phone activated bomb was used to destroy the residential staff quarters occupied by Shell employees. MEND reportedly seeks to unite all relevant militant groups in the Niger Delta.
Even though unknown, it is generally believed that MEND's leaders are most likely prominent politicians and elite citizens who have personal interests in the nation’s oil wealth. These too are responsible for funding the militant group. It is also alleged that all MEND's leaders may not likely be indigenes of the Niger Delta but could come from any part of the country. MEND's existence is thus believed to be some kind of political manipulation.
The commotions in the Niger Delta and the resulting poverty are a reflection of the level of corruption in Nigeria. The country is being ruled by individuals who seek personal benefits from oil wealth rather than the interest of the populace. The truth remains that the Niger Delta people have long been treated as though they weren't Nigerians at all. No matter how bad the actions of the militants may seem, one fact still stands unchanged- "WE GAVE THEM REASON TO ACT IN THE WAY THEY DO NOW." The long military rule may be considered incapable, but the present democratic government has done very little in the past eight years. This is a clear indication of the government’s incapability to recognize the seriousness of issues and act swiftly and efficiently. Currently the Niger Delta states receive 18% of revenue generated from oil. This is aside the national budget yet the effect of this money is not seen. State governors are being accused of siphoning the money and using it to generate personal profits. Though internal corruption in the Niger Delta has also been a serious problem, almost nothing is done about it. There is gradual development going on in the Niger Delta but projects are undertaken at such a snail-like speed that generates uncertainty.
As we approach the next general elections there is quite a degree of tension. Most Nigerians already foresee a shady electoral process. The issue of the Niger Delta is generating fear. It has become the major topic of most television talk programmes. We are at the brink of a situation that might end up in another civil war if not properly handled. Funny as this may seem, the Niger Delta people's plight became known only when the militants took to arms. So many situations in Nigeria gained government recognition only when they became violent. A lot of unanswered questions loom in the mind of concerned Nigerians: Could we have prevented all these? Would there be an end to Nigerians corruption? What could MEND be up to? Why were the Niger Delta people treated so badly in the first place? If Ken Saro-Wiwa had been taken seriously, would all these have happened?
A lot of armed militant groups have sprung up in the Niger Delta but many of them are small gangs engaged in bunkering and the likes. Some of them have claimed to be MEND, taking up MEND's cause but the real MEND still remains distinct in their operations. To think of the kind of ammunition in MEND's possession makes you wonder where all these is leading and how these weapons were smuggled into the country in the first place, especially now that the country's customs wing is almost fully operational. But while Oil Gunmen-the militants in the Niger Delta are being considered as criminals, and MEND, a terrorist group, they enjoy support from the people in the region who see them as heroes and possible liberators.
So, considering the trauma these people were made to undergo, what do you think of the militants? What do you think of MEND? Criminals? Terrorists? Or maybe (with the kind of government they had to confront) a new kind of Activists?
